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One year ago, war returned to Europe. Many in the West finally aw...

Peter Dutton

One year ago, war returned to Europe. Many in the West finally awoke from the naive dream of the “end of history”. The cruel reality of a return of history hit home as Russian troops poured across Ukraine’s border.

Russia’s invasion was illegal, immoral and abominable. It was unprovoked, unjust and unacceptable. After the fall of the Iron Curtain, Ukraine gained its independence in 1991. For more than three decades since, sovereign Ukraine has carved out an identity of its own.

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine is a reminder that the days of imperialist despots – despots willing to use coercion, force and violence to achieve their ends – are not gone. A reminder that the age of revanchist autocrats – autocrats who have no qualms in sacrificing their own people to fulfil their depraved and antiquated ambitions – is not behind us.

In 2005, Vladimir Putin said the collapse of the Soviet Union was the greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the 20th century. The President has long desired to restore a Russian empire. First came Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014, followed by its occupation of parts of the Donbas; then, 12 months ago, its full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

Putin expected a quick victory. He thought the people of Ukraine would swiftly surrender. But he miscalculated. He underestimated. He was wrong. For the people of Ukraine did not acquiesce; they resisted. They did not lay down their arms; they took aim. They did not cower in fear; they fought back with courage.

And in the past year we have heard their stories: stories of Ukrainian defiance, stoicism, bravery, resolve and triumph. There were the border guards on Snake Island who, when ordered to surrender, communicated back: “Russian warship, go f..k yourself.” The missile attack that sunk the Moskva, the flagship of Russia’s Black Sea Fleet. The fighters in under-siege Mariupol who held out for weeks in its iron and steel plant. The surprise northeastern counteroffensive that liberated Kharkiv. The recent retaking of Kherson, the port city in the south occupied since the early days of the war.

There have been stories, too, of Russian butchery, barbarism and “concentrated evil”. Of Russian soldiers who have looted homes, who have tortured, raped and executed civilians. Russia’s invasion has left thousands of Ukrainians dead. Millions have been rendered homeless.

Amid the heartache, horror and heroism of war, a man has continued to inspire his people and, in turn, imbibe their collective spirit: Volodymyr Zelensky.

On the second day of the war, Zelensky appeared in a video message to his people. He said: “We are all here … We defend our independence. And this is how it will always be from now on.”

The Churchillian Zelensky continues to encapsulate and espouse the fortitude and fight in the hearts and minds of Ukrainians. As he said, Ukrainians made a choice on February 24 last year: “Not a white flag but a blue and yellow flag.”

Zelensky has spoken about Ukraine’s desire for peace. He has spoken about principles, about Ukraine’s right to self-determination, to security and to live without being threatened. He has said that Ukrainians “would rather live in trenches than live in chains”, and that the restoration of peace and the preservation of principles depends on victory: “Only victory”.

That victory, as Zelensky recognised, could be hastened by mobilising the minds of the world, by securing the support of nations.

Teddy Roosevelt’s line – “Speak softly and carry a big stick” – often is quoted in diplomatic corridors in capital cities. But just as Winston Churchill knew, Zelensky understands you can’t magic up the big stick. The big stick is created by speaking candidly, truthfully and persuasively. And, like Churchill, Zelensky has mobilised language and sent it into battle. Through hundreds of speeches, the khaki-clad President has rallied nations, leaders and people of the world. We have been moved by his simple and refreshingly direct language. By his historical appreciation and cultural references. By his appeal to our common values.

Through him, we have heard the roar of Ukrainian resistance. And we have responded, just as Zelensky had hoped, not with a ride but with ammo.

I am proud to have been part of a Coalition government that contributed to Ukraine’s fight for freedom, whether that was our delivery of $225m of defence military assistance, including 40 Bushmaster armoured vehicles and 14 armoured personnel carriers; our provision of $65m in humanitarian assistance for food, shelter and emergency medical supplies; the 70,000 tonnes of thermal coal that helped keep their power on; our granting temporary humanitarian visas for Ukrainian nationals; or our targeted financial sanctions and travel bans against hundreds of Russian individuals and dozens of entities. And we support the Albanese government that is following in our footsteps.

As Zelensky has said, the assistance provided to Ukraine is not charity. It is an investment in global security and democracy. He has reminded us that “there is no such thing as a ‘foreign’ war”. That evil can “overcome any distance and any barriers”. That evil becomes possible “when people choose not to notice”.

Zelensky has been resoundingly heard, his words heeded. The world has not been indifferent. Nations are not staying aside. Among many, Australia stands with Ukraine.

If democracies have suffered from self-doubt in recent times, the Ukrainian spirit reminds us to have confidence in ourselves: confidence in the enduring nature of our values. Confidence in the knowledge that the things that unite us are greater than the things that divide us. Confidence in who we are, what we have accomplished and what we can yet achieve. Confidence to speak truthfully about threats to freedom. And confidence to confront evil. On this first anniversary of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, we say confidently: Slava Ukraini – glory to Ukraine.

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